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Which celebrates vernacular ghost writing, the number of factors other than anglo-american hedging is a basic element for enriching the film her. The multi-level analysis aims to link international relations theory and the state sovereignty problematique to the current issues of European party systems and their subsequent interlinkage with the EU structure. Turkeys long standing pass through the Symplegades of secularisation and Islamisation more. During the First Turkish Republic , this process was During the First Turkish Republic , this process was identified with the adoption of western-style rule of law and the exclusion of religion from the public sphere.
Starting from May , the Gezi park protests came to remind to everyone that the balance between secularism and Islam in Turkey is fragile. The questions, the proposed paper comes to answer, concern the historical roots of the interrelation between secularism and Islam in Turkey. Can Islam be compatible with western-style liberal democracy and the rule of law? Under this scope, is a construction of a modernist Turkish nation-state possible? Do the Gezi Park protests represent a symptom of a long-standing conflict or just a coincidence?
The above-mentioned questions are about to be examined via bibliographical research as well as interviews with Middle East, Turkey and Islam specialists. Challenges of metamorphosis in the Middle East: Religion-politics relations under construction more. As Ahmet Davutoglu has claimed, the Arab Spring events have been year late taking into account the post-Cold War systemic opportunities towards democratization.
Nevertheless, which model of polity is demanded? Is this positioned closer to modernism or theocracy? Apparently neither. Taking into consideration special identity characteristics and the nature of the new polity-construction processes from below, it seems that what is demanded is a western-style rule of law in accordance with Islamic morality. Such a model can be met — especially after and the adoption of the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis — in Turkey. Currently, the coexistence of secularist and Islamic principles is considered the greatest challenge of the metamorphosis taking place in the Greater Middle East since Markos Troulis - Davutoglu's geopolitics without Davutoglu more.
Incidentally, this proved to be true even with limited success. However, has this really happened? The importance of analyzing the former Prime Minister's thoughts and The importance of analyzing the former Prime Minister's thoughts and methodology is high for anybody to understand Turkey's strategic aims and their consequences for the systemic stability mainly on the regional level.
Moreover, the afore-mentioned debate refers to the problematique of the future of the EU, the transformation of its nature and the core issues surrounding the postwar stability in Europe, since Turkey is a candidate country for EU accession. Which are the epistemological and methodological bases that a conflict is profound? Being descriptive theories, both Systemic Being descriptive theories, both Systemic Geopolitical Analysis and Structural Realism have been constructed on the basis of axial hypotheses tested through historical practical case studies.
They represent complementary approaches, based on the common Thucydidean legacy of description and analysis emphasizing ontology. In the modern framework of scientific debate, there are also common roots, while the commonalities are more between them in comparison with other theoretical approaches even included in the same scientific field.
Under this lens, the current paper endeavours to decode all those reasons making the two theoretical approaches two-even not identical-twins of Thucydides. International Relations , Geopolitics , and Systemic Geopolitics. Foreign Policy. What is the crux of the matter when analysing international politics?
Has geography answered to the questions posed by political science considering the inclusion of human behaviour into the analysis of international system? Without any doubt, systemic geopolitical analysis and structural realism represent complementary theoretical proposals for decoding the causes and the effects of antagonism, balance of power, hegemonism, Great Powers" strategic behaviour, interdependence, the role of international institutions and cooperation.
Therefore, they can co-exist for the sake of description and even prediction of certain trends of behaviour and correlation of power. The current paper aims to describe aspects of the debate regarding Turkey's compatibility with how Europeanness is conceptualized.
It is hereby questioned: How is Europe conceptualized? What's the role of history towards such What's the role of history towards such conceptualizations? Which are the parameters of Europeanness? And finally, is Turkey part of Europe? These questions are found at the core of the overall problematique concerning Turkey's bid for access into the European Union EU and westernization process, in general. No matter how general they are, the questions refer to a certain philosophical debate which is extended to political and strategic aspects of the future of Europe as well as the future of Turkey in it.
Ankara's bid for EU membership and the ongoing negotiations are identified with this extension from philosophy to politics and strategy. On this line of thought, the current paper examines the concept of Europeanness in correlation with Turkish identity and ends to examine practical issues with regard to the EU-Turkey continuing dialogue.
With reference to significant bibliography, the whole series of stakes is presented as well as the overall rhetoric legitimizing Turkey's historical westernization inclinations. Therefore, the concluding remarks are related to all the practical aspects setting questions regarding Turkey's access to the EU, keeping in mind that the EU nature is absolutely different to the strategic priorities of Ankara and its policy-making practices. For this reason, with one phrase, the conclusion could be 'compatibility under conditions' beyond any historical and philosophical references, since the anti-hegemonic nature of the EU structure is clearly incompatible to a grand strategy of economic projects manipulation for political purposes and treaties revision under an aggressive argumentation of Ottoman-like domination.
As far as the EU value system is still valid and it is diffused into politics and the framework within European Great Powers are organized, hegemony matters and it is avoidable. Classical geopolitical analysis comes to remind us that it is still present as a tool for decoding the interstate antagonisms as well as the global and the regional re-distributions of power. To be accurate , this never stopped happening; To be accurate , this never stopped happening; the post-Cold War 'neo-liberal vertigo' simply permitted many well-known fi gures of the greater academia to forget, to ignore and to doubt.
The evolutions, during almost the last decade in the Greater Middle East, have made geopolitical analysis timelier than ever. The subsystem of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey is the operator of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement and, in these terms, it represents a main set of forces behind the pressures for redistribution of power and roles in the region.
The current paper refers to the systemic geopolitical analysis to focus on Turkey's historical role in the Greater Middle East, its current ambitions and the mistakes having led its strategy to a stalemate. In this context, it is questioned which mistakes Turkey made, whether the overall neo-ottoman geostrategic policy recommendations are feasible and which elements of power are available for Turkey.
Undoubtedly, power is the key towards an effective maximization of gains and a substantial increase of infl uence. For instance, Turkey's emphasis on the energy reserves of its greater region is still reasonable, while their nature itself underlines the worth of geopolitical analysis since it is identifi ed with the ontology of space and the intervening roles of group interests.
The present paper comes to review Professor Ioannis Th. Mazis's acclaimed paper with the title 'Geopolitical realities in the Greece-Cyprus dipole: Solutions and alibis'. Virginia Balafouta, Virginia Balafouta, makes an overall geopolitical analysis with regard to the Cyprus problem, Greece's dilemmas and Turkey's prioritizations. It is exactly in the foreword for the English edition in Civitas Gentium where Mazis refers to the US and Russian strategic gambles as well as whether and how these reframe the global antagonistic variables.
In the beginning, Ioannis Mazis refers to the European redistribution of interests among the historical political parties. He interrelates this set of changes with Russia's overall redefi nition of interests; besides, he writes about 'putinism' as a counter-proposal against globalization. The Russian President's agenda deals with Moscow's return into Europe via soft power means and fi nancing of pro-Russian parties around Europe either if these are far-right see the Netherlands or conservative see France or just activist parties see Italy.
According to the main argument, this is considered the antidote to the often called 'American exceptionalism'. It is a well-known fact that the postwar US strategic inclination towards a 'hegemonic stabilizer' status was favored by some undisputed evolutions; a the prewar balance of power system failed, b the collective security system failed, too, c American foreign policy changed its status from isolationism to interventionism, d British grand strategy changed in favor of the establishment of the Atlantic Alliance and several institutions, e Europeans failed to create a common political and strategic area.
In this sense, the main idea behind the new Russian foreign policy is noted to focus on the 'US-EU threat' deterrence. Systemic stakes keep Moscow far from coordinating its strategic interests with the US and EU member-states and thus, it insists on competing instead of cooperating. An additional parameter concerns Donald Trump's election and his promise for foreign policy change. Historically, American foreign policy is characterized by four traditions regarding the way in which it is practically shaped, uses any geopolitical factors and looks for benefi ts maximization methods for the US.
The growing EU energy market and the decline of its domestic hydrocarbon reserves have made the EU-Russia energy relations a very debatable and significant issue of the very near future. It is unquestioned that energy trade is found at It is unquestioned that energy trade is found at the core of every political entity or group of entities desiring to be independent and self-helped.
The current paper aims to discuss the theoretical legacy of this energy debate on the basis of international relations theory and international political economy underlining the significance of energy trade and its interlinkage to core aspects of security. In this respect, it is also analysed why natural gas is a special energy product and which are the limits between dependence and interdependence as well as the implications derived from each one of these. Both Moscow and Ankara have felt the need for legitimizing their presence in the South Caucasus, where three new independent states were established after the Cold War.
On the other hand, Turkey has never stopped to be present in the region under the cloak of soft power means. Inter—linkages of hard and soft power are analyzed and multi—level conclusions are made in the light of long—standing historical narratives and consolidated geopolitical roles. Accordingly, it is examined whether and how such a rhetoric is transformed into an element of power or, in other words, it is included among the strategic means of the two powers.
In this sense, the contribution refers to the interlinkage of miscellaneous theoretical analyses of the region and the clarification of the typology regarding the relevant historical narratives and the Russo—Turkish strategic objectives. Ahmet Davutoglu's strategic depth in the light of international relations theory more.
The current study applies Squaring the circle: Is looking for balance of power in North Africa pragmatic or illusionary? This paper describes aspects of state-building in North Africa. Especially after the Arab Spring, it has been reminded that IR theory and security conceptualizations have been formulated mostly in the light of Eurocentric case studies. In the Muslim world — and consequently in North Africa — Islamic fundamentalism and jihadism have highlighted the lack of nation-state tradition resulted from the absence of the Westphalian legacy.
Therefore, the regional sub-system has distanced itself from the western state-centric tradition. This reality results to lack of the relevant preconditions-variables used by IR analysts to explain state behavior and the roots of war and peace. Perhaps the most important such variable is balance of power deriving from co-understanding of interests and deterrence capability of each other.
However, this co-understanding is derived from the rational criterion or in other words, cost-benefit calculations for the sake of national interest. In this regard, can the new major actors in North Africa be considered rational? How can balance of power be feasible?
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