ride along with a police officer essay

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Ride along with a police officer essay american apartheid thesis

Ride along with a police officer essay

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The Department of Justice DOJ may use the threat of litigation to reach an agreement with the agency to pursue specific reforms, or take the agency to court and mandate actions through a consent decree. Although section has many merits—for example, the law is credited with providing a path to successful long-term reform for police departments in Cincinnati, Los Angeles, and Pittsburgh —many scholars have offered an array of potential improvements to the law.

One of the biggest shortcomings of section is that its use is politically cyclical. Bush, the DOJ did not enter into a single consent decree with a police agency, opting instead to enter into nonbinding agreements with wayward departments. Baltimore provides an excellent example of this issue.

While section provides a helpful backstop, it allows departments to maintain a veneer of community orientation until a crisis strikes. Major pushes for structural reform should not rely on litigation that is rarely initiated before tragedy occurs. While recognizing the inherent insufficiency of incremental interventions as a full remedy for legal estrangement, in this Part, I provisionally discuss Fourth Amendment jurisprudence and four areas of police governance reform that could contribute to dismantling estrangement.

These reforms have garnered much less attention in the most recent police reform debates than police training, community policing initiatives, or even structural reform litigation. Whereas most scholarship on police regulation tends to focus on constitutional criminal procedure, these reforms are aimed at statutory and municipal law at the federal, state, and local levels. Unlike the legitimacy approach, legal estrangement theory directly suggests structural reform: the theory demands attention to group societal membership and the deep-seated laws, policies, and structures that have produced the policing crisis.

Microlevel procedural justice reforms aimed at producing individual-level feelings of legitimacy are anemic responses to legal estrangement. The police wage system is a structural factor that functionally excludes many poor people and African Americans from policing resources, thereby contributing to legal estrangement.

The wage structure under which police officers generally operate works inversely to the way it should: some of the busiest and most dangerous jobs in law enforcement often pay the least. Particularly in cities, towns, and counties that are financially strapped, finding the means to retain police-officer talent is a serious challenge.

Moreover, officers are frequently aware of localized pay disparities. For example, a journalistic report on St. Low officer wages introduce two major perversions to the system. First, when salaries are too low, the most skilled and experienced officers will rationally leave higher-crime areas to work in easier areas where they are paid more. The others received substantial amounts of money in what appears to be overtime pay. The stress and burden of extended work hours can make even the most promising officers terrible at their job.

It even discusses shift length as a potential contributor to officer fatigue. Wage disparity is a structural issue that occurs far upstream from the events that have catalyzed the police reform movement. Bringing greater transparency and equity to officer salaries will likely decrease procedural injustice and vicarious marginalization on the ground, which could, over time, reduce legal estrangement.

Even where officers are paid on the same scale within the same departments, they still may be earning less to police tougher neighborhoods. Collective bargaining means that departments are often bound to pay salary, assign shifts, assign beats, and give promotions or transfers on the basis of seniority.

Seniority rules mean that new patrol officers tend to get the least-desired assignments—graveyard shifts and tough neighborhoods—while receiving the lowest compensation. Since the establishment of the federal Office of Community Oriented Policing Services in , federal funding has flowed to local departments to incentivize various reforms.

State legislation could help as well. The breadth and prevalence of the Detail system has essentially privatized officer overtime at NOPD, resulting in officers working Details in the areas of town with the least crime, while an insufficient number of officers are working in the areas of New Orleans with the greatest crime prevention needs. Those with means in New Orleans are essentially able to buy additional protection, while those without such means are unable to pay for the services and extra protection needed to make up for insufficient or ineffective policing.

While any community that wants extra security certainly has a right to pay for it, it raises troubling legal and ethical questions when that extra security might otherwise have been focused on parts of the City most in need of police assistance. This language might have been a clarion call to municipal governments to prohibit—or at least to regulate more effectively—the use of sworn police officers as private security for overtime pay. It limits its analysis to the particularities of New Orleans, and even suggests an acceptable alternative Paid Detail governance structure.

Another option would be to bar sworn police officers from taking on this type of secondary employment altogether. Instead, local governments could expect private entities who want extra security to hire staff through private firms. Some Seattle neighborhoods have instituted this approach. Secondary employment is thus a mechanism through which poorer communities are structurally excluded from good policing.

Officers may receive overtime pay for working as officers in wealthier areas, while they only earn paltry wages to keep distressed neighborhoods safe. This dynamic sends a stark message that protecting wealthier areas is more lucrative than protecting higher-poverty areas. Secondary employment policies like these might even suggest, at least symbolically, that African American and poor lives truly lack value.

There are more than twelve thousand police departments in the United States, nearly half of which employ fewer than ten police officers. Although consolidating districts would not constitute a total reorganization of departments, it might be a strong first step toward creating a structure more amenable to meaningful community engagement and checks on police power.

The proliferation of many small police departments means that some neighborhoods can essentially become individual fiefdoms for certain officers. The issue of unchecked power in extremely small rural or suburban police departments came to national attention for a very short time in late , when a South Carolina prosecutor attempted twice to win the conviction of Richard Combs, the police chief and sole police officer in Eutawville, South Carolina—a town with a population of Some onlookers saw Combs as an example of an officer who, because he functioned as the sole traffic officer, regular patrol officer, and police chief, had unfettered power to use the machinery of criminal justice for vindictive purposes—a structure that seems almost destined to produce corrupt police action.

Small departments can also create various interjurisdictional inconsistencies ranging from the amount of training officers receive to the equipment available to keep themselves and civilians safe. This meant that the only means of force he had available was his gun. Moreover, the prevalence of very small departments in close proximity to each other increases the likelihood that an officer fired from one jurisdiction for serious reasons could find work as an officer in another.

Indeed, some of the most celebrated efforts to link police and community have taken place in larger departments. By contrast, the sheer volume of locally controlled police departments, all of which have slightly different policies and issues, creates a major barrier to systemic reform. The seemingly infinite variations on police policy means that scholars and policymakers may observe common problems across local contexts but find it difficult to sufficiently address those problems on a larger scale.

Consolidation would help if only because it would decrease the number of departments and make it easier to gain a picture of their policies and practices. Unlike many of the structural reforms proposed in this Part, department consolidation has gained some support from advocates for money saving in criminal justice.

After the recession, municipal budgets shrank and many officers were furloughed or laid off. For one, members of the public who live in very small towns may interpret consolidation of small departments as a cut to their public safety and to local control of their police force.

In addition, consolidation would mean that some people who have immense power would be required to yield it. These fundamental issues mean that securing support for department consolidation in local areas will pose a significant challenge. Because of the longstanding social, cultural, and symbolic meaning of the police among African Americans and in racially and socioeconomically marginalized communities, policing cases—more than others—send messages to groups about social inclusion and, indeed, social citizenship.

Legitimacy theory does not offer a consistent mode of response to this problem. What messages are conveyed in Fourth Amendment jurisprudence? To illustrate, we can return to the facts of Strieff. Fackrell had received an anonymous tip that people were selling and purchasing methamphetamine there. Fackrell saw several people enter and leave the home after short periods of time—behavior that, in his view, was consistent with drug dealing and purchasing.

Edward Strieff was one of the people who visited the home. On one of these surveillance days, Strieff left the home in question and went to a nearby convenience store. Even though Fackrell only knew that Strieff had visited the home—information that did not amount to reasonable suspicion to justify a search—Fackrell followed Strieff to the convenience store, stopped him, and questioned him about what he was doing at the home in question. The dispatcher told Fackrell that Strieff had an open warrant for his arrest on a minor traffic violation.

Fackrell then arrested Strieff, and in a search incident to arrest, found the evidence he was looking for: Strieff was holding a small baggie of meth and other drug paraphernalia. Why is this case troubling? Fackrell violated the Fourth Amendment by stopping Strieff in the first place; even the prosecutor conceded that point. In a world where few people had open warrants, this decision might seem somewhat troubling, but not catastrophic.

Yet in a scenario where a substantial number of people have open warrants, often for the most minor of infractions, often for noncriminal violations of probation and parole conditions, and often because of their poverty, the Strieff decision authorizes tremendous power. Police officers are now free to arbitrarily and even unconstitutionally stop people, ask them for their identification, have a dispatcher search their record, find an arrest warrant for a long-unpaid parking ticket or a missed appointment with a probation officer, and use that ticket as a reason to conduct any physical search that they would like to conduct.

If they find any contraband, that contraband could be used as evidence in court. While police officers need discretion in order to locate and deter crime, this ruling gives them a worrisome amount of license. In Whren v. United States , the Court ruled, inter alia, that challenges to police investigations based on race-based selective enforcement must proceed through Fourteenth Amendment equal protection analysis rather than Fourth Amendment analysis.

Davis , Whren significantly curtails the degree to which Fourth Amendment jurisprudence on police investigation could be used to correct racial discrimination in the conduct of police investigations. Thus, state courts might under some circumstances be better suited than federal courts to factor in the local context of racial discrimination and disparity reflective of legal estrangement.

This was a judicial acknowledgement of the potential effects of legal estrangement. Judges who rule on the constitutionality of searches should keep in mind the stakes of giving too much leeway to the police, stakes that legal estrangement theory illuminates. Moreover, some have argued that the text of the Fourth Amendment, emphasizing reasonableness, demands that courts consider distributional outcomes of searches and seizures by race, gender, and other group categories.

Legal estrangement demands a deep, meaningful approach to democratizing police governance. Bringing about cohesion and solidarity between police and African American and poor communities will require a more aggressive infusion of deliberative participation in policing than most proposals demand. A legitimacy approach might not object to deep democratization—these processes would arguably make the police more effective in securing voluntary compliance and would arguably encourage the police to use procedurally just methods—but legitimacy would not require it.

Barry Friedman and Maria Ponomarenko have recently argued against police exceptionalism in policymaking. They propose that police policies, such as the use of SWAT teams and warrantless searches, require legislative authorization, administrative rulemaking with notice-and-comment, or some other democratic process similar to other areas of regulation. For a panoply of reasons, ranging from the education gap, to felony disenfranchisement and its chilling effects on turnout in high-incarceration communities, to active efforts at voter suppression, to gerrymandering, to the capture of policymaking through high-stakes lobbying, African Americans—particularly if they live in high-poverty communities—have relatively little say in who their representatives are or in the legislation that their representatives ultimately pass.

However, it is unlikely on its own to unsettle legal estrangement in the communities that are most affected by it. If one suspects that most police interactions go the way that they should, data and transparency can potentially be a boon to solidarity between officers and communities.

Data can perhaps put what police actually do most of the time in clearer perspective. When then-State Senator Obama led the Illinois Legislature in passing antiracial profiling legislation in , he emphasized that the purpose of the bill was to collect data on police activity.

He convinced the Fraternal Order of Police that the data would give them an opportunity to show that they were doing valid police work, not engaging in racial discrimination. Yet perhaps an even more effective approach would include ways to make policing more qualitatively transparent—for instance, making videos of regular police work more publicly available, opening access to police departments, and perhaps even finding ways to support more adversarial forms of transparency and accountability, such as organized cop watching.

Reconciliation is a third type of democratic reform that the legal estrangement perspective might suggest. Through these two organizations, Kennedy and others engaged in a deep strategy of violence prevention by working with local gangs and bringing those offenders together with key stakeholders, including the police. The mechanics of this reconciliation proposal remain unclear. The proposal is distinct from prevailing democratic reform recommendations because it takes very seriously the historical roots of legal estrangement, accommodates the complexity of the dynamics between officers and communities, and in some ways meets the Habermasian ideal of a truly deliberative, consent-based approach to policing.

However, governments usually use truth and reconciliation processes to address injustices that occurred over a cognizable, bounded time period and involved a fairly identifiable set of wrongdoers. A key insight that drives the innovation in Operation Ceasefire and other programs is that most of the violence in a community is concentrated within relatively confined networks.

Legal estrangement, in contrast, is more dispersed and broadly influential. However, the basic intuitions of reconciliation—intentionally bringing police and communities together to build trust on a group level, and actively reckoning with the collective memories of harsh policing—reflect the type of intensive, deeply democratic process that might produce long-lasting cultural change. Finally, the legal estrangement perspective raises fundamental questions about the role of police in society.

Police—and more broadly, the criminal justice system—have become the primary vehicle through which the state responds to social deprivation. The legal estrangement perspective should encourage serious reflection on whether, and how much, armed officials should inhabit the role of social caretaker. It might be that reforms that enable greater collaboration between police and social services could make the police more legitimate at an individual level—but it might also, in the aggregate, worsen disparities in criminal justice treatment by race and class.

This aggregate effect would increase legal estrangement. Ultimately, the legal estrangement perspective demands a more holistic discussion of institutional competence. A legitimacy analysis often examines institutions in a decontextualized way, assessing whether a particular institution here, the police has legitimacy or not. Legal estrangement encourages a more relational examination of institutions.

The frailty of one bundle of institutions—here, the welfare state—might chip away at the legitimacy of the police, of other institutions, and perhaps the state itself. Shrinking the footprint of armed bureaucrats and creating a more robust system of civil supports might bring more legitimacy to these institutions and increase their capacity to produce social inclusion.

This Essay argues that legal estrangement—a theory that focuses on the symbolic and structural marginalization of African Americans and the poor from society—provides richer theoretical grounding for police reform. Legal estrangement theory incorporates procedural justice, a solution derived from legitimacy theory, as a first step toward understanding police distrust among African American and poor communities. Yet legal estrangement surpasses legitimacy theory by fully considering two larger levels at which distrust operates: vicarious marginalization and structural exclusion.

Vicarious experiences range from the mistreatment of a friend, as Jamila experienced, or through learning about more distant negative treatment, as Shawna experienced when she learned about the officer rapes. Drawing on these theoretical insights, I have proposed a number of areas for reform that, taken together, should help create the deep and lasting cultural change that will be required to truly overcome legal estrangement. These reforms range widely, including more technocratic reforms restructuring police wages and consolidating districts , judicial measures rethinking Fourth Amendment levels of interpretation , community-centered measures democratization, reconciliation, and transparency , and a fundamental revisitation of institutional roles shrinking and refining the police footprint while linking it to a shoring up of critical social welfare institutions.

These solutions offer a deeper path forward than the legitimacy perspective does, pushing beyond procedural justice. They do, of course, remain incomplete. The legal estrangement perspective demands taking account of historically rooted group marginalization and the collective consciousness of discrimination and mistreatment. This historical and collective perspective is central to the project of police reform. Accordingly, the perspective sensitizes police reformers to the idea that, while modifications within the institution of policing are critical and should move beyond individual line officers, their work will not be finished until it spurs change in the full array of institutions that perpetuate poverty, race-correlated disadvantage, and symbolic statelessness.

See Mapp v. Ohio, U. Strieff , S. See also Tracey L. See, e. Importantly, the empirical research that led to the legitimacy findings treats legitimacy and trust as related but distinct topics. For example, Tyler and Huo use legitimacy as an umbrella variable that includes trust and confidence in police as one component of the broader concept. Tom R. Huo, Trust in the Law ; see also Tom R. Consider, for example, the case of Antronie Scott, shot and killed on February 4, Consider, for example, the case of Charles Kinsey, shot and injured on July 18, Kinsey, a behavioral therapist who was working with an autistic adult, was shot lying on his back, with his hands in the air.

The facts surrounding the case are complex. Officer Jonathan Aledda, who shot Kinsey, later claimed that he was attempting to shoot the autistic Latino man with whom Kinsey was working; the man was holding a toy gun that the original caller had suggested might be a gun.

However, several circumstances surrounding the incident weaken this potential explanation. In general, it is important to note that police uses of force can be unreasonable, and thus punishable, even if the victims were disobeying the law or failing to comply with officer commands.

The test of objective reasonableness in police excessive use of force cases depends on an assessment of the totality of the circumstances surrounding the use of force at issue, not simply whether the victim was breaking the law or disobeying the officer at the time of the forceful act. See Graham v. Connor, U. Consider, for example, the case of Eric Garner, who suffered a fatal heart attack on July 17, after police attempted to arrest him for selling loose, untaxed cigarettes.

See Al Baker, J. Stuntz, Self-Defeating Crimes , 86 Va. One of the perils of broken-windows policing also known as order-maintenance or quality-of-life policing is that its emphasis on enforcing petty laws imbues the police with increased power and focus on social and racial control, particularly in high-poverty, racially marginalized communities.

That officers enforce these laws at all likely decreases their legitimacy. Criminal justice contact includes, but is not limited to, police stops, arrests, generalized interaction between police and communities in heavily policed neighborhoods, periods of incarceration, and periods of community supervision including probation and parole.

See Task Force Report, supra note 6, at ; see also id. Note that the training described under Pillar Six officer safety and wellness is primarily safety training e. The key point is that the Report leaves an overarching impression that solving the problems facing twenty-first-century police is a matter of training frontline officers, not restructuring and reimagining policing.

Research Forum , U. They form the basis for the core service delivery model that must be used in every citizen encounter to build the support and cooperation necessary to implement community policing more completely throughout the United States.

That talks about day-to-day interactions and learning how to be neutral and how to listen to people. City of Cleveland, No. City of Ferguson, No. It is not what you do, but how you are doing it. It is about doing the right thing all of the time and treating others how you would want to be treated. Tonight Jan. See Donald J. Donald J. Trump realDonaldTrump , Twitter Jan. The Data Disagree , Wash.

Post Sept. See Floyd v. City of New York, F. See John J. Sun Jan. See Police Exec. Wesley G. They have been impressed by two decades of research on policing, which has highlighted some of the limitations of the way in which it traditionally has been organized. Braga, Andrew V. Perry et al. Utah v. Strieff, S. Bookmark not defined. This difference arises not because legitimacy scholars disregard the intrinsic value of inclusion and cohesion, but because those ends are not their outcome or independent variables of interest.

Notably, even when this scholarship does discuss inclusion, it does so more from an individualized identity-based framework than a collective one. Because group-sense culture cannot be understood merely as an aggregation of individual perceptions, these analyses are different in kind, not mere differences in scale.

See Tom R. Tyler et al. Burghardt Du Bois ed. See W. Schulhofer, Tom R. The frayed relationship between African Americans and law enforcement was deeply entrenched well before the War on Drugs. Mass incarceration increased in part due to the War, but the issue of racialized policing has much deeper roots.

Western, supra note 16, at 58 crediting, partially, the rise of mass incarceration to shifts in the punishment of narcotics crimes. Tracey L. Lawrence D. Fryer, Jr. Research, Working Paper No. This literature is very extensive and cannot be fully cited here, but some foundational works in the development of a sociological perspective on trust are critical to note. Coleman, Foundations of Social Theory ; S. Although obligation to obey the law is only one component of legitimacy surveys, that component supersedes the others in part because of the conceptual definition of legitimacy.

Normative alignment is a slightly different concept, and focuses on the degree to which people believe the police share their values. Empirical Legal Stud. This literature has also, alternatively, conceived of legitimacy as a form of institutional trust in the government. See John Thibaut et al. Fallon, Jr. David Beetham, The Legitimation of Power 24 2d ed. See Beetham, supra note 74, at ; Fallon, Legitimacy and the Constitution, supra note 73, at Ideal types can be roughly understood as archetypes or categories.

Finch eds. See Anthony T. Kronman, Max Weber See generally Beetham , supra note 74, at comparing political philosophy and social scientific ideas of legitimacy ; Fallon, Legitimacy and the Constitution , supra note 73, at comparing sociological legitimacy with moral legitimacy. See Robert M.

Cover, Violence and the Word , 95 Yale L. As opposed to the institutional realm, which might focus on other authorities such as the church, the university, the corporation, and so forth. Beetham , supra note 74, at describing the distinctions between moral and social scientific conceptions of legitimacy. Of course, by this metric, little about policing in racially and socioeconomically isolated neighborhoods could be seen as legitimate given that police governance is rarely subjected to dialogue or even to public process.

Indeed, many police officials and unions, today and in the past, view the involvement of civilians in police governance as counterproductive to the work of crime response and deterrence. Thus, various measures have been taken to curtail their power. In a recent debate over a set of extensive police reforms in Maryland, civilian membership on police accountability boards was reportedly the primary sticking point between the police union and reform advocates.

Post Apr. Ultimately, the reform act passed and went into effect with its original language mandating civilian involvement in police accountability removed, leaving it to individual jurisdictions to decide whether to include civilians in reviewing police misconduct complaints. Sun Apr. Buttigieg trans. Press They are also more likely to agree with police decisions and less likely to be confrontational or hostile toward us.

Tyler, What Is Procedural Justice? Meares, Tom R. But see Aziz H. Criminology delving deeper into specific police practices that are perceived to be fair or unfair. Although the police legitimacy research has inspired a great deal of legal scholarship, the overwhelming majority of that scholarship has applied the concept to topics other than the regulation of regular police. Scholars have applied the theory to areas as diverse as juvenile justice, e. Davis L. Solum, Procedural Justice , 78 S.

Inquiry applying procedural justice to transitional justice ; Ellen Berrey, Steve G. Kwoka, Leaking and Legitimacy , 48 U. For more recent, extended discussions of departmental management as internal procedural justice, see Task Force Report, supra note 6, at 10, 14; and Rick Trinkner, Tom R.

John Rappaport proposes second-order regulation of police through means other than the courts in part because of the argument against direct regulation of police through law in the police legitimacy literature. This impulse should be eschewed not only because of civil libertarian concerns, but also because these tactics make people less likely to cooperate with police to aid in local counterterrorism efforts. Rachel A. Harmon, The Problem of Policing , Mich. Policing Feb. Bernard E.

Meares, Randomization and the Fourth Amendment , 78 U. See United States v. Martinez-Fuerte, U. Jeffrey Fagan at 18, Floyd v. Thus, in a variety of search and seizure contexts, we must honestly address racially imbalanced effects and ask ourselves whether they are truly reasonable. But see Whren v. United States, U.

Aziz Z. Disparate approaches are fundamental to the organization of modern policing. William A. Westley, Violence and the Police , 59 Am. See Wesley G. Experimental Criminology offering a positive evaluation of a Chicago police training program based largely on insights from legitimacy theory ; see also Task Force Report , supra note 6, at 17, , 34, 46, See Tyler et al. From a Gramscian perspective, procedural justice might be part of a politically hegemonic discourse that assures public consent to domination.

See Gramsci, supra note 84, at Drayton, U. Royer, U. Hughes, F. Details such as these are entitled to some weight in determining whether a particular interrogation was custodial. Town of Coventry, F. Kim, 27 F. Munoz, F. Halls trans. Foucault, supra note 16, at describing the project of modern criminal justice as bodily discipline. Durkheim , supra note , at Robert K.

Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure See Bernard E. Merton refined this conception of anomie. Merton, supra note , at This definition fits well with the problem of racialized and class-located anomie and disobedience of the law that concerns many scholars and lawmakers today.

Liminality is a state of being in-between, not fully inside a particular institution or cultural milieu, but not fully detached from it. Caffee trans. Anthropology , For examples of scholarship applying the concept of liminality in studies of marginal groups in the United States, see Khiara M. Elijah Anderson, Code of the Street 34 See Robert K. Merton, Social Structure and Anomie , 3 Am. However, an increasing body of research on legal legitimacy focuses specifically on communities that are generally understood to be high in legal cynicism.

Rios, Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys discussing the interactions between law enforcement institutions and young black and Latino men in Oakland. See Robert J. Piquero et al. Eminent political scientist Michael Dawson has offered the most widely known articulation of this idea.

Inquiry , ; see also David K. Shipler, Living Under Suspicion , N. Times Feb. Simpson trial. Gau, Carving Up Concepts? Yet even if space can be found in legitimacy theory for these concerns, they are not central to the theory in the way they are to legal estrangement theory. See Bell, supra note 42, at I do not claim that these theories are free of overlap, in certain respects. Yet that they are related to each other does not mean they are equivalent.

For example, the primary analytical focus of legitimacy theory is individual compliance with the law, while the primary analytical focus of legal estrangement theory is a collective, cultural relationship with the law. Yet legitimacy theorists attempt to deal with the problem of collectivity by aggregating individual views an approach that is antithetical to the way many sociologists think about culture. In contrast, legal estrangement recognizes that culture exists both within and outside individuals, and that in order to understand macro-level reality, one must have some vision of micro-level reality.

For this reason, procedural injustice on an interactional level is important to the development of a collective culture of legal cynicism. Yet simply because procedural injustice contributes to legal estrangement does not mean that procedural justice alone can dismantle legal estrangement, because culture is both individual and superindividual.

One way in which the current scholarship on distrust in the law falls short is that it presents a limited view of what some scholars refer to as legal socialization —the developmental process through which people gain their perceptions of the law and law enforcement over time. Some scholars have probed legal socialization as a central concept; others omit that specific term but catalogue various pathways toward divergent perspectives on the police and law enforcement.

Hearing Their Voices: Understanding the Freddie Gray Uprising is an in-depth interview study of sixty-four young people, aged fifteen to twenty-four, who live within the city of Baltimore, Maryland. The study, funded in part by the Annie E. Casey Foundation, seeks to develop an in-depth understanding of how youth in the city perceive the death of Freddie Gray and its aftermath and to capture their recollections and perceptions of police and the criminal justice system.

The study, which the author of this Essay designed and managed, used multiple recruitment strategies including random sampling in a neighborhood near the heart of the unrest, ethnographic sampling from spending time in key neighborhood venues, and sampling using participatory action research, a method in which people from the study population here, youth who live in Baltimore acted as co-researchers with the professional researchers.

The purpose of using these strategies was to purposively construct a heterogeneous yet analytically meaningful sample of Baltimore youth and to gain a richer empathetic understanding of their experiences. This Essay draws upon selected cases within the interview sample to clarify key processes derived from theory. These cases are not intended to be representative of all respondents, but are instead used to illustrate theoretical points, drawing inspiration from case study logic and the qualitative research method of portraiture.

I have described complexity and contextual contingency of police trust and reliance in other work. See generally Bell , supra note All quotations attributed to Shawna were recorded during an interview conducted by the author and Janice Bonsu on July 1, Solomon M. Florida v. Post Jan. In an Alford plea, defendants maintain their innocence but concede that the prosecution has enough evidence that a judge or jury would likely find them guilty.

See North Carolina v. Alford, U. Sun Aug. For scholarship describing the increasing prevalence of private police in American society, see Elizabeth E. For people who frequently encounter public and private police, the officers may well blend into one miasma of police control, regardless of their governance structure. This indistinguishableness could mean that the bad acts of poorly trained, less regulated private security officers contribute to negative perceptions of city police, and further research should test this hypothesis.

This limited conception of use of force also plagues governmental agencies tasked with investigating police misconduct. Times Oct. The officer initially on the scene, Tim Olson, confronted Thomas and grabbed him by his shoulder for walking on the white line near the shoulder of the road even though the sidewalk was closed for construction. Times Apr. Between May and July , three officers were acquitted. Sarah Almukhtar et al.

See Civil Rights Div. Brew Apr. The shooter, Dylann Roof, was eventually sentenced to death. Times Jan. Withholding food from an arrestee during interrogation can indicate coercion under a totality of the circumstances analysis, thereby invalidating any evidence that police obtain. See Greenwald v. Wisconsin, U. Texas, U. Pate, U. But see Tom R. This finding may stem from a belief that the police do not actually represent the law, that they are just another group or gang.

See supra note and accompanying text. For an overview of a wide variety of literature on the connection between procedural justice and legitimacy, see Tyler et al. All quotations attributed to Justin were recorded during an interview conducted by Janice Bonsu and Trinard Sharpe on July 23, It is not surprising that Justin projects his police encounters into views on the government and the powerful more generally.

Life Feb. One might expect a similar logic to operate among teens in inner-city Baltimore. Code Ann. Failure to comply with this transportation provision is a misdemeanor. Whitt v. Dynan, A. Ninety-five percent of the people cited for manner-of-walking violations in Ferguson between and were African American. Civil Rights Div. However, it does not mention section of the state transportation code as a potential pretext for some walking stops. See Russell K. Robinson, Perceptual Segregation , Colum.

Justin identified the exercise of power more generally as an aspect of procedurally unjust policing. Research from social psychology suggests that officers who use a disproportionately large amount of force against African American men might be trying to assert their manhood even more than their authority. See L. See Rios , supra note , at xiv-xv. See Rod K. Ethnography , ; cf. See Naomi F. See generally Nell Bernstein, All Alone in the World: Children of the Incarcerated offering a journalistic account of the experiences and perspectives of children of incarcerated parents.

There are a few examples in sociological literature. Emerging legal scholarship is beginning to recognize this process and explore potential solutions to it. See J. Coser ed. See generally Jeffrey C. Alexander et al. Reuben A. This form of collective memory might be particularly salient among African Americans.

See Dawson , supra note , at 76; Paula D. McClain et al. See also Jocelyn Simonson, Copwatching , Calif. Times Mag. See Swidler, supra note , at explaining that culture is more likely to drive human behavior during periods of social transformation when prescribed social rituals are less clear ; cf. All quotations attributed to Jamila were recorded during an interview conducted by the author and Janice Bonsu on June 17, Geographer , ; Rhonda Jones-Webb et al. It is not clear whether there has been an actual shift in the average age of Baltimore police officers in the eight years since Jamila was ten.

See infra text accompanying notes Baumeister et al. Andrew on August 4, All quotations attributed to Johnson were recorded during an interview conducted by Geena St. Andrew and Juliana Wittman on August 4, Post Oct. However, the survey and analytical method used by Fagan and Tyler provides a quite limited way of understanding how networks produce perceptions of the law and law enforcement officials.

Some scholars understand unequal distribution of policing quality as a Rawlsian distributive justice problem. See Nirej S. Sekhon, Redistributive Policing , J. Several scholars and commentators have noted the paradox of overpolicing and underprotection in racially and socioeconomically marginalized communities. Haynes eds. For nearly a century, black Chicagoans had never been able to rely on law enforcement, be it for gang- or nongang-related problems. Levinson, Collective Sanctions , 56 Stan.

Venkatesh , supra note , at describing the relationship between one Chicago street and the neighborhood it controlled. The era of proactive policing is relatively young, really beginning with the advent of broken-windows policing in the early s. Reiss, Jr. Patrick J. Pierre Bourdieu encapsulated this idea in his concept of habitus , the idea that while individuals have agency in thought and action, thoughts and actions are nonetheless deeply embedded in social structure.

All quotations attributed to Lemuel were recorded during an interview conducted by Geena St. Andrew and Janice Bonsu on July 2, Indeed, most youth, even in disadvantaged urban communities, are generally law-abiding. See James Forman, Jr. See Gus G. See sources cited supra note Lemuel is convinced that African American officers in Baltimore are more abusive than white officers. A white patrolman in West Baltimore has to at least take into account the racial imagery.

Not so his black counterparts, for whom brutality complaints can be shrugged off—not only because the victim was a corner-dwelling fiend, but because the racial aspect is neutralized. But see Joshua C. These observations highlight a potential shortcoming of reform efforts aimed at diversifying police departments. While officer diversity is surely a positive goal, diversification without department-wide cultural change is unlikely to meaningfully improve the experience of police presence in poor and African American communities.

Security concerns at Baltimore high schools led the city to establish a separate school policing unit, the Baltimore City School Police Force, in The statute that authorizes the School Police Force specifies that its officers may only carry their service weapons onto campuses when school is out of session. See H.

Sun Mar. The city held several listening sessions at high schools and public libraries in the summer after the bill failed, one of which I attended while conducting field research July 17, , Forest Park High School.

The overwhelming majority of meeting participants—mostly parents of Baltimore high school students or community activists who seemed to have friendly preexisting relationships with the school police—spoke in favor of permitting Baltimore school police officers to carry guns in school buildings.

For now, the law is unchanged. In March , after a cellphone video surfaced that showed a Baltimore school officer aggressively slapping and kicking a teen boy, the training and recruitment of Baltimore school police officers garnered new attention from school officials. One young woman discussing the same neighborhood said that it takes the police about twenty-five minutes to arrive when someone calls about a murder, accident, or other major event despite their common presence:.

What kind of situation would that be? Respondent: Like murder or a robbery, accident, somebody being injured. Not just a little dispute or fuss. Somebody that has [an] injury or someone in trouble. I think like twenty-five minutes. Monica: Do you see the police around a lot? Respondent: Yeah, they do, because I live right up the street from the police station, so they just be around. This conversation was recorded during an interview conducted by Geena St.

Andrew and the author on July 22, See supra notes - and accompanying text. See Rachel Harmon, Why Arrest? See e. The distinction between legitimacy and legal estrangement is analogous to the distinction between ideological and structural understandings of racism. Along similar lines, legal estrangement demands a structural response, while legitimacy theory ultimately implies that an education-based approach, focused on changing the behavior of a few bad actors, is sufficient to cure the problem of policing.

See Devah Pager, Marked 16 Incarceration , 69 Am. See Rachel A. Schwartz, Who Can Police the Police? Legal F. Conduct of Law Enforcement Agencies , U. See Brian A. While there is no direct evidence to suggest that the Obama Administration is underproducing section investigations, other scholars have written about the inherent barriers to initiating section actions even if a given administration is more willing to use that tool. Louis U. DOJ Baltimore Report, supra note , at Task Force Report , supra note 6, at DOJ Baltimore Report , supra note , at United States v.

Seth W. Note that the city did pay out more than expected in FY overtime in part because of the Freddie Gray response and subsequent spike in crime. See Task Force Report, supra note 6, at See Michael E. Walleman, Seniority Rights , 77 Police Chief 32 For instance, the Dallas Police Department receives payment from neighborhood associations in exchange for special patrolling and related services.

The number of hours and array of services varies based on the amount of money the association raises. Morning News Oct. Some have expressed concerns about these arrangements. City of New Orleans, No. Although the New Orleans system has been restructured, critics claim that it remains burdened with favoritism and inequality.

Reaves, supra note , at 1. But studies of police budgets and working practices suggest that the daily practices of most police forces have not changed so drastically as this would suggest. And, moreover, these new priorities and tactics have not, as yet, led to any basic reorganization of the police as a public agency. Times Sept. It is also worth noting that there is no national database of police officers who have been fired or lost their certification, in part because of police union opposition.

For example, Cincinnati, Ohio, provides one of the most celebrated stories of police restructuring done well. The Cincinnati Police Department employs roughly 1, sworn officers. Yet the problem-oriented community policing model employed in Cincinnati seems to offer a potential positive way forward. See Jeremy M. That means demanding more cost-effective approaches that enhance public safety.

Getting to meet many different people and talking to them about your faith can be rewarding, not only to them but to everyone. Also, it is a great way of helping local community become a better place. They believe in helping people, by doing that they can set an example to many of how the smallest acts of kindness can make a big difference.

Our students are people of faith who have struggled to. He tells me that he treats everyone the same and that he does not have to be cautious about one culture specifically but he is exposed to many cultures everyday and he enjoys learning about the different cultures in society. To conclude, I learned many things on my ride along, but the thing that I still think about now is how police officers just do their job. The media does not show what the officers do to protect the community or how they risk their lives in order to bring safety to the community.

My ride along was a great experience and I am glad that I had the chance to ride along with Officer Ernesti. This interview helped me make a new friend; the officer was very friendly to me, as well as my co-workers. It is surprising to know that police officers take time for public like, Officer Hansen gave me gave 15 minutes. He has been involved in this department since ; he has been.

Unlike Johnny, Dally constantly breaks the laws. He gets into a lot of fights and involves himself in many robberies. Going to jail has stopped effecting him and whenever crime occurs in the town the police question Dally early on. The companionship between the characters and the society is what allowed the Gladers to be successful in achieving their ambition.

James Dashner developed numerous important relationships that demonstrated his theme, but the relation between Chuck and Thomas, the bond between Teresa and Thomas and the relations amongst all the Gladers working together truly exhibited how friendship helps you pass the ups and downs of you life and reach your goal.

Volunteers are selfless beings, who are vital participants in societies and give their time to helping individuals and the community at large. Volunteers work with others as a team to make a meaningful contribution to a better community. The VIP Volunteers Interacting with Patients program has a local and global relevance by promoting the involvement of people in the lives of communities and of a wider society through its projects and volunteering. This experience has instilled in me a stronger connection and awareness of people in my community, as well as, people in other societies.

They do serve the local community and really do help those in need. The problem is that there are The merit lies with the fact that you have aided in the continual care of the community and its longevity. This community service project highly relates to the topics we discussed in class. Religion can be seen as a driving force among people, but it also can bring about beautiful and wonderful things, especially here in the United States. Home Page Police Experience Essay.

Police Experience Essay Good Essays. Open Document. Essay Sample Check Writing Quality. On Tuesday, September 23rd, I had the opportunity to do a ride along with the Takoma Park police department. My ride along was quite interesting. I rode with Officer Carl, a twenty-six-year-old officer who has been with the police department for six months. During the ride along we engaged in so many conversations concerning his work routine, and some the important things to be aware of as a police officer.

Officer Carl and I were about the same age group so I felt much comfortable talking to him. Before I went for the ride along I had a different perspective about police work, I thought police work was much amusing and entertaining, but after the ride along with Officer Carl, I have realized that there is much more to police work and it often …show more content… Officer Carl works a twelve-hour shift which starts from clock in the morning to clock in the evening, but at times he rotates shifts during the weekend.

HOW TO WRITE A ESSAY IN THIRD PERSON

I feel they got the outcome they wanted. I feel like, they wanted people to react and get mad. Because as views go up, they get paid more money. Some of the children took out their phones to record. Jamila appreciated the gesture. The legitimacy approach tends to deemphasize the importance of interlocking social contexts, including peer influences. How they understand the policing experiences of others varies based in part on their relationship with the person who had the interaction and—especially when the vicarious experience comes through a viral police video—varies based on how well the experience at issue matches up with metanarratives about the police.

Shared narratives about how the police treat African Americans and people who live in poor communities propel legal estrangement. To reduce legal estrangement, counternarratives that focus on respect and value for black and poor lives must emerge and take root. The third part of the theory of legal estrangement is structural exclusion. This component describes the ways in which policies that may appear facially race- and class-neutral distribute policing resources so that African Americans and residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods tend to receive lower-quality policing than whites and residents of other neighborhoods.

This idea draws from the theory of social closure. The concept of legal closure acknowledges that there are both losers and winners in the current policing regime. Part of the reason that the harshest and least effective police officers can be found in high-poverty communities is because department policies on pay and seniority, as well as state laws on officer wages and additional employment, send the most experienced and highest-paid police officers to the wealthiest areas.

Residents of wealthier urban and suburban neighborhoods benefit from the current policing regime; this insight reframes the problem that police reform attempts to address as not only a problem of racism or poverty, but a problem of inequality in access to the machinery of the law. One indicator that poor African Americans in particular have been excluded from police resources is that police repeatedly fail to respond, or to respond in a timely fashion, when they are called.

Of course, policing has changed since the early days of the Robert Taylor Homes. First, policing underwent a move toward professionalization, which brought about improvements such as the use of technology, reliance on evidence rather than confessions given during investigations , and requirements that police undergo more extensive education and standardized training. This type of policing moved in the opposite direction of the call-for-service model by urging officers to heavily and proactively enforce laws against minor criminal activity, particularly in distressed communities.

The shift meant that people in racially and socioeconomically isolated communities first felt abandoned, then felt heavily monitored—but primarily monitored only for minor crimes that were not at the heart of their public safety and security concerns. The War on Drugs altered policing as well. Although much of the critique of the War on Drugs has focused on its hotly debated role in the rise of mass incarceration,, the War on Drugs altered the front end of the criminal justice system—policing—just as significantly.

Beginning in the s and increasingly throughout the s and s, the War on Drugs funded special narcotics-enforcement police units and gang units across the country, arming regular police departments with military-grade armor and weaponry, and authorizing virtually free reign over marginalized neighborhoods. The twin perils of harsh policing and neglectful policing indicate structural exclusion from public safety, an exclusion that corresponds with intersecting race, class, and geographic marginalization.

Many young men, too, would ideally want the police to protect them and their communities. Patrick Carr, Laura Napolitano, and Jessica Keating reached this finding in their qualitative criminology study of an ethnically diverse Latinx, white, and African American sample of young men and women, ages twelve to twenty-three, in three high-crime, socioeconomically challenged Philadelphia neighborhoods.

Although most of the youths, regardless of race or gender, had a negative disposition toward the police, most of them—including young African American men—also suggested greater presence of police and harsher enforcement of the law as ways to address crime in their communities. Along with protection, the youths desire procedurally just policing.

Lemuel is a twenty-four-year-old African American young man who grew up in the Lexington Terrace housing project in West Baltimore. When I was robbing people, there was a reason why I was doing it. My stomach was literally growling, nothing to do. Either I die, starve, or I do something.

I was too young for a job. I mean, I cut grass during the summer. I shoveled snow through the winter. But [what] do you do in between? Whatever you can do. So we made sure we ate. Not surprisingly, Lemuel had numerous run-ins with the police in his younger, delinquent years. They could either take him to jail, or they could allow him to go home. One day when he was about fifteen years old, Lemuel showed up to school drunk on Bacardi Gold rum.

A female officer patted Lemuel down and found the drugs in his pocket. According to Lemuel, the officer grabbed his scrotum and squeezed. But he returned home swollen and in pain. When Lemuel was younger, someone from his neighborhood robbed him and took his sports jersey, an item that was relatively expensive given his financial background and thus had great significance to him. He wished that he could call the police to report the crime and get the jersey back, but instead he reluctantly fought the older boy who took it.

Got my jersey back, though. Lemuel does not think the problems of policing that he has experienced, and that gave rise to the Freddie Gray unrest, are attributable to race. In his view, the problems of police-community relations are problems of neighborhood income inequality. It matters where you live. He and a friend attempted to burglarize a home in a wealthier part of Baltimore County, and they assumed that because the house was in a semirural area, it would take the police a long time to arrive.

They were wrong. Someone called the police, and officers arrived very quickly. I realized that when I went to try to do my first home invasion. The cop response was so quick. It was so quick. I never seen the cops respond to this neighborhood so quickly. One distinction between the police in West Baltimore and the police where Lemuel attempted the burglary is jurisdictional. The differences between these jurisdictions might relate to their relative emphases on responding to crime reactively versus implementing preventive or proactive approaches.

It might be the case that in the county, the police department still places heavy emphasis on responding to calls for service, while in the city particularly in high crime areas , there is greater emphasis on patrolling. Yet some people—including former police officers—claim that street enforcement units are still given wide discretion that they often grievously misuse.

Perhaps because Lemuel was so young, police were slower to arrest him. While we do not have evidence of what those specific officers believed, insider accounts suggest that department policy encouraged greater police presence in predominantly poor and African American neighborhoods, even for officers who were not assigned to those areas. Former Baltimore police officer Michael Wood told reporters that, after getting a plum assignment to an upper-middle-class, predominantly white neighborhood, he would sometimes leave his post to go to a poor, predominantly black neighborhood to make arrests.

So, even though it technically violated policy for Wood to patrol for arrests outside of his post, his supervisors signed off on his work. Even if those people are never arrested, and even if they do not become suspects of any particular crime, this contact might have negative effects on their perceptions of police, reminding them of their relative worthlessness in the eyes of the state.

Consequently, arrest-incentivizing policies may serve to deepen legal estrangement. On a broader scale, of course, structural exclusion through policing is layered atop deeper structural disadvantages that arise in the contexts of growing up poor and African American, and living in the city of Baltimore. Good policing is just one additional resource, or another form of capital, from which the law writ large may exclude people like Shawna, Justin, Jamila, and Lemuel.

How can police reform dismantle legal estrangement? There is little scholarship that tackles this question in even a cursory way. Research suggests that procedural justice can unsettle the psychological process that leads people to perceive the police as illegitimate. Evidence also indicates that the procedural justice solution can effectively increase perceptions of legitimacy across race and, to some extent, class.

Measures that emanate from legitimacy theory and the procedural justice approach, such as police training, are ultimately an impoverished response to estrangement. One might reasonably view legal estrangement not as a problem of policing, but as a problem of concentrated poverty and racial inequality. Certainly, as is apparent in the vignettes offered in this Essay, concentrated poverty and systemic racial injustice are major structural problems that produce legal estrangement.

Admittedly, the structural factors believed to contribute most fundamentally to cynicism, such as concentrated poverty, segregation, and residential instability, are not generally seen as the province of police practice and policy.

Yet to demand that curing poverty and eliminating race discrimination are the only ways to meaningfully effect change in policing is to accept paralysis. For instance, some scholars have argued that police practices directly contribute to persistent residential segregation. The proposals here are not offered as a cure-all to legal estrangement, but are instead an opening salvo to encourage police reformers to dedicate energy toward new strategies and structures of police governance.

Scholars often overlook many of the structural issues that confront policing outside the purview of federal law because the policing crisis is embedded in state and local laws and policies. Even though federal law and policy has brought some uniformity to local policing through spending initiatives since the s, police administrative rules and practices still vary intensely among states, counties, and municipalities.

One tool that provides the federal government with leverage to force local departments to change or eliminate structurally exclusive policies is section of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of , also known as the Clinton Crime Bill. Attorney General to sue a local police department for engaging in a pattern or practice of violating constitutional and legal rights.

The Department of Justice DOJ may use the threat of litigation to reach an agreement with the agency to pursue specific reforms, or take the agency to court and mandate actions through a consent decree. Although section has many merits—for example, the law is credited with providing a path to successful long-term reform for police departments in Cincinnati, Los Angeles, and Pittsburgh —many scholars have offered an array of potential improvements to the law.

One of the biggest shortcomings of section is that its use is politically cyclical. Bush, the DOJ did not enter into a single consent decree with a police agency, opting instead to enter into nonbinding agreements with wayward departments. Baltimore provides an excellent example of this issue.

While section provides a helpful backstop, it allows departments to maintain a veneer of community orientation until a crisis strikes. Major pushes for structural reform should not rely on litigation that is rarely initiated before tragedy occurs.

While recognizing the inherent insufficiency of incremental interventions as a full remedy for legal estrangement, in this Part, I provisionally discuss Fourth Amendment jurisprudence and four areas of police governance reform that could contribute to dismantling estrangement.

These reforms have garnered much less attention in the most recent police reform debates than police training, community policing initiatives, or even structural reform litigation. Whereas most scholarship on police regulation tends to focus on constitutional criminal procedure, these reforms are aimed at statutory and municipal law at the federal, state, and local levels. Unlike the legitimacy approach, legal estrangement theory directly suggests structural reform: the theory demands attention to group societal membership and the deep-seated laws, policies, and structures that have produced the policing crisis.

Microlevel procedural justice reforms aimed at producing individual-level feelings of legitimacy are anemic responses to legal estrangement. The police wage system is a structural factor that functionally excludes many poor people and African Americans from policing resources, thereby contributing to legal estrangement. The wage structure under which police officers generally operate works inversely to the way it should: some of the busiest and most dangerous jobs in law enforcement often pay the least.

Particularly in cities, towns, and counties that are financially strapped, finding the means to retain police-officer talent is a serious challenge. Moreover, officers are frequently aware of localized pay disparities. For example, a journalistic report on St. Low officer wages introduce two major perversions to the system. First, when salaries are too low, the most skilled and experienced officers will rationally leave higher-crime areas to work in easier areas where they are paid more.

The others received substantial amounts of money in what appears to be overtime pay. The stress and burden of extended work hours can make even the most promising officers terrible at their job. It even discusses shift length as a potential contributor to officer fatigue. Wage disparity is a structural issue that occurs far upstream from the events that have catalyzed the police reform movement. Bringing greater transparency and equity to officer salaries will likely decrease procedural injustice and vicarious marginalization on the ground, which could, over time, reduce legal estrangement.

Even where officers are paid on the same scale within the same departments, they still may be earning less to police tougher neighborhoods. Collective bargaining means that departments are often bound to pay salary, assign shifts, assign beats, and give promotions or transfers on the basis of seniority. Seniority rules mean that new patrol officers tend to get the least-desired assignments—graveyard shifts and tough neighborhoods—while receiving the lowest compensation.

Since the establishment of the federal Office of Community Oriented Policing Services in , federal funding has flowed to local departments to incentivize various reforms. State legislation could help as well. The breadth and prevalence of the Detail system has essentially privatized officer overtime at NOPD, resulting in officers working Details in the areas of town with the least crime, while an insufficient number of officers are working in the areas of New Orleans with the greatest crime prevention needs.

Those with means in New Orleans are essentially able to buy additional protection, while those without such means are unable to pay for the services and extra protection needed to make up for insufficient or ineffective policing. While any community that wants extra security certainly has a right to pay for it, it raises troubling legal and ethical questions when that extra security might otherwise have been focused on parts of the City most in need of police assistance.

This language might have been a clarion call to municipal governments to prohibit—or at least to regulate more effectively—the use of sworn police officers as private security for overtime pay. It limits its analysis to the particularities of New Orleans, and even suggests an acceptable alternative Paid Detail governance structure. Another option would be to bar sworn police officers from taking on this type of secondary employment altogether. Instead, local governments could expect private entities who want extra security to hire staff through private firms.

Some Seattle neighborhoods have instituted this approach. Secondary employment is thus a mechanism through which poorer communities are structurally excluded from good policing. Officers may receive overtime pay for working as officers in wealthier areas, while they only earn paltry wages to keep distressed neighborhoods safe. This dynamic sends a stark message that protecting wealthier areas is more lucrative than protecting higher-poverty areas.

Secondary employment policies like these might even suggest, at least symbolically, that African American and poor lives truly lack value. There are more than twelve thousand police departments in the United States, nearly half of which employ fewer than ten police officers. Although consolidating districts would not constitute a total reorganization of departments, it might be a strong first step toward creating a structure more amenable to meaningful community engagement and checks on police power.

The proliferation of many small police departments means that some neighborhoods can essentially become individual fiefdoms for certain officers. The issue of unchecked power in extremely small rural or suburban police departments came to national attention for a very short time in late , when a South Carolina prosecutor attempted twice to win the conviction of Richard Combs, the police chief and sole police officer in Eutawville, South Carolina—a town with a population of Some onlookers saw Combs as an example of an officer who, because he functioned as the sole traffic officer, regular patrol officer, and police chief, had unfettered power to use the machinery of criminal justice for vindictive purposes—a structure that seems almost destined to produce corrupt police action.

Small departments can also create various interjurisdictional inconsistencies ranging from the amount of training officers receive to the equipment available to keep themselves and civilians safe. This meant that the only means of force he had available was his gun. Moreover, the prevalence of very small departments in close proximity to each other increases the likelihood that an officer fired from one jurisdiction for serious reasons could find work as an officer in another.

Indeed, some of the most celebrated efforts to link police and community have taken place in larger departments. By contrast, the sheer volume of locally controlled police departments, all of which have slightly different policies and issues, creates a major barrier to systemic reform. The seemingly infinite variations on police policy means that scholars and policymakers may observe common problems across local contexts but find it difficult to sufficiently address those problems on a larger scale.

Consolidation would help if only because it would decrease the number of departments and make it easier to gain a picture of their policies and practices. Unlike many of the structural reforms proposed in this Part, department consolidation has gained some support from advocates for money saving in criminal justice.

After the recession, municipal budgets shrank and many officers were furloughed or laid off. For one, members of the public who live in very small towns may interpret consolidation of small departments as a cut to their public safety and to local control of their police force. In addition, consolidation would mean that some people who have immense power would be required to yield it. These fundamental issues mean that securing support for department consolidation in local areas will pose a significant challenge.

Because of the longstanding social, cultural, and symbolic meaning of the police among African Americans and in racially and socioeconomically marginalized communities, policing cases—more than others—send messages to groups about social inclusion and, indeed, social citizenship. Legitimacy theory does not offer a consistent mode of response to this problem. What messages are conveyed in Fourth Amendment jurisprudence? To illustrate, we can return to the facts of Strieff. Fackrell had received an anonymous tip that people were selling and purchasing methamphetamine there.

Fackrell saw several people enter and leave the home after short periods of time—behavior that, in his view, was consistent with drug dealing and purchasing. Edward Strieff was one of the people who visited the home. On one of these surveillance days, Strieff left the home in question and went to a nearby convenience store. Even though Fackrell only knew that Strieff had visited the home—information that did not amount to reasonable suspicion to justify a search—Fackrell followed Strieff to the convenience store, stopped him, and questioned him about what he was doing at the home in question.

The dispatcher told Fackrell that Strieff had an open warrant for his arrest on a minor traffic violation. Fackrell then arrested Strieff, and in a search incident to arrest, found the evidence he was looking for: Strieff was holding a small baggie of meth and other drug paraphernalia. Why is this case troubling? Fackrell violated the Fourth Amendment by stopping Strieff in the first place; even the prosecutor conceded that point.

In a world where few people had open warrants, this decision might seem somewhat troubling, but not catastrophic. Yet in a scenario where a substantial number of people have open warrants, often for the most minor of infractions, often for noncriminal violations of probation and parole conditions, and often because of their poverty, the Strieff decision authorizes tremendous power.

Police officers are now free to arbitrarily and even unconstitutionally stop people, ask them for their identification, have a dispatcher search their record, find an arrest warrant for a long-unpaid parking ticket or a missed appointment with a probation officer, and use that ticket as a reason to conduct any physical search that they would like to conduct.

If they find any contraband, that contraband could be used as evidence in court. While police officers need discretion in order to locate and deter crime, this ruling gives them a worrisome amount of license. In Whren v. United States , the Court ruled, inter alia, that challenges to police investigations based on race-based selective enforcement must proceed through Fourteenth Amendment equal protection analysis rather than Fourth Amendment analysis.

Davis , Whren significantly curtails the degree to which Fourth Amendment jurisprudence on police investigation could be used to correct racial discrimination in the conduct of police investigations. Thus, state courts might under some circumstances be better suited than federal courts to factor in the local context of racial discrimination and disparity reflective of legal estrangement.

This was a judicial acknowledgement of the potential effects of legal estrangement. Judges who rule on the constitutionality of searches should keep in mind the stakes of giving too much leeway to the police, stakes that legal estrangement theory illuminates.

Moreover, some have argued that the text of the Fourth Amendment, emphasizing reasonableness, demands that courts consider distributional outcomes of searches and seizures by race, gender, and other group categories. Legal estrangement demands a deep, meaningful approach to democratizing police governance.

Bringing about cohesion and solidarity between police and African American and poor communities will require a more aggressive infusion of deliberative participation in policing than most proposals demand. A legitimacy approach might not object to deep democratization—these processes would arguably make the police more effective in securing voluntary compliance and would arguably encourage the police to use procedurally just methods—but legitimacy would not require it.

Barry Friedman and Maria Ponomarenko have recently argued against police exceptionalism in policymaking. They propose that police policies, such as the use of SWAT teams and warrantless searches, require legislative authorization, administrative rulemaking with notice-and-comment, or some other democratic process similar to other areas of regulation.

For a panoply of reasons, ranging from the education gap, to felony disenfranchisement and its chilling effects on turnout in high-incarceration communities, to active efforts at voter suppression, to gerrymandering, to the capture of policymaking through high-stakes lobbying, African Americans—particularly if they live in high-poverty communities—have relatively little say in who their representatives are or in the legislation that their representatives ultimately pass.

However, it is unlikely on its own to unsettle legal estrangement in the communities that are most affected by it. If one suspects that most police interactions go the way that they should, data and transparency can potentially be a boon to solidarity between officers and communities. Data can perhaps put what police actually do most of the time in clearer perspective.

When then-State Senator Obama led the Illinois Legislature in passing antiracial profiling legislation in , he emphasized that the purpose of the bill was to collect data on police activity. He convinced the Fraternal Order of Police that the data would give them an opportunity to show that they were doing valid police work, not engaging in racial discrimination. Yet perhaps an even more effective approach would include ways to make policing more qualitatively transparent—for instance, making videos of regular police work more publicly available, opening access to police departments, and perhaps even finding ways to support more adversarial forms of transparency and accountability, such as organized cop watching.

Reconciliation is a third type of democratic reform that the legal estrangement perspective might suggest. Through these two organizations, Kennedy and others engaged in a deep strategy of violence prevention by working with local gangs and bringing those offenders together with key stakeholders, including the police.

The mechanics of this reconciliation proposal remain unclear. The proposal is distinct from prevailing democratic reform recommendations because it takes very seriously the historical roots of legal estrangement, accommodates the complexity of the dynamics between officers and communities, and in some ways meets the Habermasian ideal of a truly deliberative, consent-based approach to policing. However, governments usually use truth and reconciliation processes to address injustices that occurred over a cognizable, bounded time period and involved a fairly identifiable set of wrongdoers.

A key insight that drives the innovation in Operation Ceasefire and other programs is that most of the violence in a community is concentrated within relatively confined networks. Legal estrangement, in contrast, is more dispersed and broadly influential. However, the basic intuitions of reconciliation—intentionally bringing police and communities together to build trust on a group level, and actively reckoning with the collective memories of harsh policing—reflect the type of intensive, deeply democratic process that might produce long-lasting cultural change.

Finally, the legal estrangement perspective raises fundamental questions about the role of police in society. Police—and more broadly, the criminal justice system—have become the primary vehicle through which the state responds to social deprivation. The legal estrangement perspective should encourage serious reflection on whether, and how much, armed officials should inhabit the role of social caretaker. It might be that reforms that enable greater collaboration between police and social services could make the police more legitimate at an individual level—but it might also, in the aggregate, worsen disparities in criminal justice treatment by race and class.

This aggregate effect would increase legal estrangement. Ultimately, the legal estrangement perspective demands a more holistic discussion of institutional competence. A legitimacy analysis often examines institutions in a decontextualized way, assessing whether a particular institution here, the police has legitimacy or not.

Legal estrangement encourages a more relational examination of institutions. The frailty of one bundle of institutions—here, the welfare state—might chip away at the legitimacy of the police, of other institutions, and perhaps the state itself. Shrinking the footprint of armed bureaucrats and creating a more robust system of civil supports might bring more legitimacy to these institutions and increase their capacity to produce social inclusion.

This Essay argues that legal estrangement—a theory that focuses on the symbolic and structural marginalization of African Americans and the poor from society—provides richer theoretical grounding for police reform. Legal estrangement theory incorporates procedural justice, a solution derived from legitimacy theory, as a first step toward understanding police distrust among African American and poor communities.

Yet legal estrangement surpasses legitimacy theory by fully considering two larger levels at which distrust operates: vicarious marginalization and structural exclusion. Vicarious experiences range from the mistreatment of a friend, as Jamila experienced, or through learning about more distant negative treatment, as Shawna experienced when she learned about the officer rapes.

Drawing on these theoretical insights, I have proposed a number of areas for reform that, taken together, should help create the deep and lasting cultural change that will be required to truly overcome legal estrangement. These reforms range widely, including more technocratic reforms restructuring police wages and consolidating districts , judicial measures rethinking Fourth Amendment levels of interpretation , community-centered measures democratization, reconciliation, and transparency , and a fundamental revisitation of institutional roles shrinking and refining the police footprint while linking it to a shoring up of critical social welfare institutions.

These solutions offer a deeper path forward than the legitimacy perspective does, pushing beyond procedural justice. They do, of course, remain incomplete. The legal estrangement perspective demands taking account of historically rooted group marginalization and the collective consciousness of discrimination and mistreatment.

This historical and collective perspective is central to the project of police reform. Accordingly, the perspective sensitizes police reformers to the idea that, while modifications within the institution of policing are critical and should move beyond individual line officers, their work will not be finished until it spurs change in the full array of institutions that perpetuate poverty, race-correlated disadvantage, and symbolic statelessness. See Mapp v.

Ohio, U. Strieff , S. See also Tracey L. See, e. Importantly, the empirical research that led to the legitimacy findings treats legitimacy and trust as related but distinct topics. For example, Tyler and Huo use legitimacy as an umbrella variable that includes trust and confidence in police as one component of the broader concept.

Tom R. Huo, Trust in the Law ; see also Tom R. Consider, for example, the case of Antronie Scott, shot and killed on February 4, Consider, for example, the case of Charles Kinsey, shot and injured on July 18, Kinsey, a behavioral therapist who was working with an autistic adult, was shot lying on his back, with his hands in the air.

The facts surrounding the case are complex. Officer Jonathan Aledda, who shot Kinsey, later claimed that he was attempting to shoot the autistic Latino man with whom Kinsey was working; the man was holding a toy gun that the original caller had suggested might be a gun. However, several circumstances surrounding the incident weaken this potential explanation. In general, it is important to note that police uses of force can be unreasonable, and thus punishable, even if the victims were disobeying the law or failing to comply with officer commands.

The test of objective reasonableness in police excessive use of force cases depends on an assessment of the totality of the circumstances surrounding the use of force at issue, not simply whether the victim was breaking the law or disobeying the officer at the time of the forceful act. See Graham v. Connor, U. Consider, for example, the case of Eric Garner, who suffered a fatal heart attack on July 17, after police attempted to arrest him for selling loose, untaxed cigarettes.

See Al Baker, J. Stuntz, Self-Defeating Crimes , 86 Va. One of the perils of broken-windows policing also known as order-maintenance or quality-of-life policing is that its emphasis on enforcing petty laws imbues the police with increased power and focus on social and racial control, particularly in high-poverty, racially marginalized communities.

That officers enforce these laws at all likely decreases their legitimacy. Criminal justice contact includes, but is not limited to, police stops, arrests, generalized interaction between police and communities in heavily policed neighborhoods, periods of incarceration, and periods of community supervision including probation and parole. See Task Force Report, supra note 6, at ; see also id.

Note that the training described under Pillar Six officer safety and wellness is primarily safety training e. The key point is that the Report leaves an overarching impression that solving the problems facing twenty-first-century police is a matter of training frontline officers, not restructuring and reimagining policing.

Research Forum , U. They form the basis for the core service delivery model that must be used in every citizen encounter to build the support and cooperation necessary to implement community policing more completely throughout the United States. That talks about day-to-day interactions and learning how to be neutral and how to listen to people. City of Cleveland, No. City of Ferguson, No. It is not what you do, but how you are doing it.

It is about doing the right thing all of the time and treating others how you would want to be treated. Tonight Jan. See Donald J. Donald J. Trump realDonaldTrump , Twitter Jan. The Data Disagree , Wash. Post Sept. See Floyd v. City of New York, F. See John J. Sun Jan. See Police Exec. Wesley G. They have been impressed by two decades of research on policing, which has highlighted some of the limitations of the way in which it traditionally has been organized.

Braga, Andrew V. Perry et al. Utah v. Strieff, S. Bookmark not defined. This difference arises not because legitimacy scholars disregard the intrinsic value of inclusion and cohesion, but because those ends are not their outcome or independent variables of interest. Notably, even when this scholarship does discuss inclusion, it does so more from an individualized identity-based framework than a collective one.

Because group-sense culture cannot be understood merely as an aggregation of individual perceptions, these analyses are different in kind, not mere differences in scale. See Tom R. Tyler et al. Burghardt Du Bois ed. See W. Schulhofer, Tom R. The frayed relationship between African Americans and law enforcement was deeply entrenched well before the War on Drugs.

Mass incarceration increased in part due to the War, but the issue of racialized policing has much deeper roots. Western, supra note 16, at 58 crediting, partially, the rise of mass incarceration to shifts in the punishment of narcotics crimes. Tracey L. Lawrence D. Fryer, Jr. Research, Working Paper No. This literature is very extensive and cannot be fully cited here, but some foundational works in the development of a sociological perspective on trust are critical to note.

Coleman, Foundations of Social Theory ; S. Although obligation to obey the law is only one component of legitimacy surveys, that component supersedes the others in part because of the conceptual definition of legitimacy. Normative alignment is a slightly different concept, and focuses on the degree to which people believe the police share their values. Empirical Legal Stud. This literature has also, alternatively, conceived of legitimacy as a form of institutional trust in the government.

See John Thibaut et al. Fallon, Jr. David Beetham, The Legitimation of Power 24 2d ed. See Beetham, supra note 74, at ; Fallon, Legitimacy and the Constitution, supra note 73, at Ideal types can be roughly understood as archetypes or categories.

Finch eds. See Anthony T. Kronman, Max Weber See generally Beetham , supra note 74, at comparing political philosophy and social scientific ideas of legitimacy ; Fallon, Legitimacy and the Constitution , supra note 73, at comparing sociological legitimacy with moral legitimacy.

See Robert M. Cover, Violence and the Word , 95 Yale L. As opposed to the institutional realm, which might focus on other authorities such as the church, the university, the corporation, and so forth. Beetham , supra note 74, at describing the distinctions between moral and social scientific conceptions of legitimacy. Of course, by this metric, little about policing in racially and socioeconomically isolated neighborhoods could be seen as legitimate given that police governance is rarely subjected to dialogue or even to public process.

Indeed, many police officials and unions, today and in the past, view the involvement of civilians in police governance as counterproductive to the work of crime response and deterrence. Thus, various measures have been taken to curtail their power. In a recent debate over a set of extensive police reforms in Maryland, civilian membership on police accountability boards was reportedly the primary sticking point between the police union and reform advocates.

Post Apr. Ultimately, the reform act passed and went into effect with its original language mandating civilian involvement in police accountability removed, leaving it to individual jurisdictions to decide whether to include civilians in reviewing police misconduct complaints. Sun Apr. Buttigieg trans. Press They are also more likely to agree with police decisions and less likely to be confrontational or hostile toward us.

Tyler, What Is Procedural Justice? Meares, Tom R. But see Aziz H. Criminology delving deeper into specific police practices that are perceived to be fair or unfair. Although the police legitimacy research has inspired a great deal of legal scholarship, the overwhelming majority of that scholarship has applied the concept to topics other than the regulation of regular police.

Scholars have applied the theory to areas as diverse as juvenile justice, e. Davis L. Solum, Procedural Justice , 78 S. Inquiry applying procedural justice to transitional justice ; Ellen Berrey, Steve G. Kwoka, Leaking and Legitimacy , 48 U.

For more recent, extended discussions of departmental management as internal procedural justice, see Task Force Report, supra note 6, at 10, 14; and Rick Trinkner, Tom R. John Rappaport proposes second-order regulation of police through means other than the courts in part because of the argument against direct regulation of police through law in the police legitimacy literature.

This impulse should be eschewed not only because of civil libertarian concerns, but also because these tactics make people less likely to cooperate with police to aid in local counterterrorism efforts. Rachel A. Harmon, The Problem of Policing , Mich. Policing Feb. Bernard E. Meares, Randomization and the Fourth Amendment , 78 U. See United States v. Martinez-Fuerte, U. Jeffrey Fagan at 18, Floyd v. Thus, in a variety of search and seizure contexts, we must honestly address racially imbalanced effects and ask ourselves whether they are truly reasonable.

But see Whren v. United States, U. Aziz Z. Disparate approaches are fundamental to the organization of modern policing. William A. Westley, Violence and the Police , 59 Am. See Wesley G. Experimental Criminology offering a positive evaluation of a Chicago police training program based largely on insights from legitimacy theory ; see also Task Force Report , supra note 6, at 17, , 34, 46, See Tyler et al. From a Gramscian perspective, procedural justice might be part of a politically hegemonic discourse that assures public consent to domination.

See Gramsci, supra note 84, at Drayton, U. Royer, U. Hughes, F. Details such as these are entitled to some weight in determining whether a particular interrogation was custodial. Town of Coventry, F. Kim, 27 F. Munoz, F. Halls trans. Foucault, supra note 16, at describing the project of modern criminal justice as bodily discipline. Durkheim , supra note , at Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure See Bernard E. Merton refined this conception of anomie.

Merton, supra note , at This definition fits well with the problem of racialized and class-located anomie and disobedience of the law that concerns many scholars and lawmakers today. Liminality is a state of being in-between, not fully inside a particular institution or cultural milieu, but not fully detached from it. Caffee trans. Anthropology , For examples of scholarship applying the concept of liminality in studies of marginal groups in the United States, see Khiara M.

Elijah Anderson, Code of the Street 34 See Robert K. Merton, Social Structure and Anomie , 3 Am. However, an increasing body of research on legal legitimacy focuses specifically on communities that are generally understood to be high in legal cynicism.

Rios, Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys discussing the interactions between law enforcement institutions and young black and Latino men in Oakland. See Robert J. Piquero et al. Eminent political scientist Michael Dawson has offered the most widely known articulation of this idea. Inquiry , ; see also David K. Shipler, Living Under Suspicion , N. Times Feb. Simpson trial. Gau, Carving Up Concepts? Yet even if space can be found in legitimacy theory for these concerns, they are not central to the theory in the way they are to legal estrangement theory.

See Bell, supra note 42, at I do not claim that these theories are free of overlap, in certain respects. Yet that they are related to each other does not mean they are equivalent. For example, the primary analytical focus of legitimacy theory is individual compliance with the law, while the primary analytical focus of legal estrangement theory is a collective, cultural relationship with the law.

Yet legitimacy theorists attempt to deal with the problem of collectivity by aggregating individual views an approach that is antithetical to the way many sociologists think about culture. In contrast, legal estrangement recognizes that culture exists both within and outside individuals, and that in order to understand macro-level reality, one must have some vision of micro-level reality.

For this reason, procedural injustice on an interactional level is important to the development of a collective culture of legal cynicism. Yet simply because procedural injustice contributes to legal estrangement does not mean that procedural justice alone can dismantle legal estrangement, because culture is both individual and superindividual.

One way in which the current scholarship on distrust in the law falls short is that it presents a limited view of what some scholars refer to as legal socialization —the developmental process through which people gain their perceptions of the law and law enforcement over time. Some scholars have probed legal socialization as a central concept; others omit that specific term but catalogue various pathways toward divergent perspectives on the police and law enforcement.

Hearing Their Voices: Understanding the Freddie Gray Uprising is an in-depth interview study of sixty-four young people, aged fifteen to twenty-four, who live within the city of Baltimore, Maryland. The study, funded in part by the Annie E. Casey Foundation, seeks to develop an in-depth understanding of how youth in the city perceive the death of Freddie Gray and its aftermath and to capture their recollections and perceptions of police and the criminal justice system.

The study, which the author of this Essay designed and managed, used multiple recruitment strategies including random sampling in a neighborhood near the heart of the unrest, ethnographic sampling from spending time in key neighborhood venues, and sampling using participatory action research, a method in which people from the study population here, youth who live in Baltimore acted as co-researchers with the professional researchers.

The purpose of using these strategies was to purposively construct a heterogeneous yet analytically meaningful sample of Baltimore youth and to gain a richer empathetic understanding of their experiences. This Essay draws upon selected cases within the interview sample to clarify key processes derived from theory. These cases are not intended to be representative of all respondents, but are instead used to illustrate theoretical points, drawing inspiration from case study logic and the qualitative research method of portraiture.

I have described complexity and contextual contingency of police trust and reliance in other work. See generally Bell , supra note All quotations attributed to Shawna were recorded during an interview conducted by the author and Janice Bonsu on July 1, Solomon M. Florida v. Post Jan. In an Alford plea, defendants maintain their innocence but concede that the prosecution has enough evidence that a judge or jury would likely find them guilty.

See North Carolina v. Alford, U. Sun Aug. For scholarship describing the increasing prevalence of private police in American society, see Elizabeth E. For people who frequently encounter public and private police, the officers may well blend into one miasma of police control, regardless of their governance structure. This indistinguishableness could mean that the bad acts of poorly trained, less regulated private security officers contribute to negative perceptions of city police, and further research should test this hypothesis.

This limited conception of use of force also plagues governmental agencies tasked with investigating police misconduct. Times Oct. The officer initially on the scene, Tim Olson, confronted Thomas and grabbed him by his shoulder for walking on the white line near the shoulder of the road even though the sidewalk was closed for construction. Times Apr. Between May and July , three officers were acquitted.

Sarah Almukhtar et al. See Civil Rights Div. Brew Apr. The shooter, Dylann Roof, was eventually sentenced to death. Times Jan. Withholding food from an arrestee during interrogation can indicate coercion under a totality of the circumstances analysis, thereby invalidating any evidence that police obtain. See Greenwald v. Wisconsin, U. Texas, U.

Pate, U. But see Tom R. This finding may stem from a belief that the police do not actually represent the law, that they are just another group or gang. See supra note and accompanying text. For an overview of a wide variety of literature on the connection between procedural justice and legitimacy, see Tyler et al.

All quotations attributed to Justin were recorded during an interview conducted by Janice Bonsu and Trinard Sharpe on July 23, It is not surprising that Justin projects his police encounters into views on the government and the powerful more generally. Life Feb. One might expect a similar logic to operate among teens in inner-city Baltimore. Code Ann. Failure to comply with this transportation provision is a misdemeanor. Whitt v. Dynan, A. Ninety-five percent of the people cited for manner-of-walking violations in Ferguson between and were African American.

Civil Rights Div. However, it does not mention section of the state transportation code as a potential pretext for some walking stops. See Russell K. Robinson, Perceptual Segregation , Colum. Justin identified the exercise of power more generally as an aspect of procedurally unjust policing.

Research from social psychology suggests that officers who use a disproportionately large amount of force against African American men might be trying to assert their manhood even more than their authority. See L. See Rios , supra note , at xiv-xv.

See Rod K. Ethnography , ; cf. See Naomi F. See generally Nell Bernstein, All Alone in the World: Children of the Incarcerated offering a journalistic account of the experiences and perspectives of children of incarcerated parents. There are a few examples in sociological literature. Emerging legal scholarship is beginning to recognize this process and explore potential solutions to it. See J. Coser ed. See generally Jeffrey C. Alexander et al. Reuben A. This form of collective memory might be particularly salient among African Americans.

See Dawson , supra note , at 76; Paula D. McClain et al. See also Jocelyn Simonson, Copwatching , Calif. Times Mag. See Swidler, supra note , at explaining that culture is more likely to drive human behavior during periods of social transformation when prescribed social rituals are less clear ; cf. All quotations attributed to Jamila were recorded during an interview conducted by the author and Janice Bonsu on June 17, Geographer , ; Rhonda Jones-Webb et al.

It is not clear whether there has been an actual shift in the average age of Baltimore police officers in the eight years since Jamila was ten. See infra text accompanying notes Baumeister et al. Andrew on August 4, All quotations attributed to Johnson were recorded during an interview conducted by Geena St. Unlike Johnny, Dally constantly breaks the laws. He gets into a lot of fights and involves himself in many robberies. Going to jail has stopped effecting him and whenever crime occurs in the town the police question Dally early on.

The companionship between the characters and the society is what allowed the Gladers to be successful in achieving their ambition. James Dashner developed numerous important relationships that demonstrated his theme, but the relation between Chuck and Thomas, the bond between Teresa and Thomas and the relations amongst all the Gladers working together truly exhibited how friendship helps you pass the ups and downs of you life and reach your goal.

Volunteers are selfless beings, who are vital participants in societies and give their time to helping individuals and the community at large. Volunteers work with others as a team to make a meaningful contribution to a better community.

The VIP Volunteers Interacting with Patients program has a local and global relevance by promoting the involvement of people in the lives of communities and of a wider society through its projects and volunteering. This experience has instilled in me a stronger connection and awareness of people in my community, as well as, people in other societies. They do serve the local community and really do help those in need. The problem is that there are The merit lies with the fact that you have aided in the continual care of the community and its longevity.

This community service project highly relates to the topics we discussed in class. Religion can be seen as a driving force among people, but it also can bring about beautiful and wonderful things, especially here in the United States.

Home Page Police Experience Essay. Police Experience Essay Good Essays. Open Document. Essay Sample Check Writing Quality. On Tuesday, September 23rd, I had the opportunity to do a ride along with the Takoma Park police department. My ride along was quite interesting. I rode with Officer Carl, a twenty-six-year-old officer who has been with the police department for six months.

During the ride along we engaged in so many conversations concerning his work routine, and some the important things to be aware of as a police officer. Officer Carl and I were about the same age group so I felt much comfortable talking to him.

Before I went for the ride along I had a different perspective about police work, I thought police work was much amusing and entertaining, but after the ride along with Officer Carl, I have realized that there is much more to police work and it often …show more content… Officer Carl works a twelve-hour shift which starts from clock in the morning to clock in the evening, but at times he rotates shifts during the weekend. Officer Carl made me aware that being a police officer was his passion and he does not see himself doing any job than being a police officer.

He further explained that helping people, apprehending individuals for a crime and lesson violations on the community and on the road was what makes him happier. He expressed his love for his co-workers and how they have been working in a team to achieve many difficulties that may arise in the community.

For instance, during our patrol we had a call concerning a man who was very violent and was causing a lot of trouble in his home. Just a few minutes after the call it was amazing that all the officers were at the scene and trying to preserve peace. Furthermore, Officer Carl works around only the jurisdictional boundaries which he was sworn to serve and maintain peace.

Officer Carl also explained the importance of community relation programs held in the community and how positively it affects the community and them themselves. He emphasized that community relation programs were very effective and each police officer was happy to a part of it. In addition, this program is often in a form of reunions where the community members and the police come together and celebrate and discusses how to make the community great.

The purpose of this program was for the police force to have a good and close relationship with the community so that. Get Access.

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In this case, he was in the search for something more worthy of stopping. For the second time, Officer Figueredo responds again to the same complaint of loud music. Officer Figueredo then does two traffic car stops. The first one had an expired license plate, 3THH but Officer let him flee because the guy was already a mess. Apparently his troubled kid, sitting in the passenger seat, The Freedom Rides in the U.

S were one of the many events that further inspired Indigenous Australian activists and protesters to replicate events of their fellow activists in the U. S in Australia to bring equality to Indigenous Australian. A major example of this are the Freedom Rides that took place in the segregated Southern States of the U.

He had led many peaceful protests around Australia for a push for recognition and equality for Indigenous Australians. Role of the media was a major one throughout the push for indigenous equality as well as for African Americans especially as the media gave large exposure of the injustices against the African-Americans and the Aborigines. This brought a big opportunity for the Indigenous Australians to surge in their cause for land rights and recognition of their ownership of the land.

The freedom rides of the U. S were a enormous factor in bringing a push for activism, equality, recognition and peaceful protest for Indigenous Australians. This thesis will be further backed through the body paragraphs about the US Freedom Rides, the influence on Australian freedom rides and other peaceful protests and the influence on Aboriginal activism and Recognition. On May 4, , a group of 13 African-American and white civil rights activists launched the Freedom Rides, a series of bus trips through the American South to protest I have been a Farmington Police Explorer for three and half years.

From my understanding of the position, the Sargent is the Leader of the post. I believe I qualified for the position for several reasons. First of all, I have been a supervisor for the Farmington Aquatic Center for a year now where I have been working there for almost three and half years. In which my duties include being a leader and a role model for the Lifeguards and the Patrons of the pools.

I have learned a lot of being a leader and University of Phoenix Material Job Description and Recruiting Strategies Worksheet Conduct an interview with someone who has a career or position that is different from your own. Identify the duties associated with his or her position, as well as any skills and abilities necessary for the position. Use the information gathered in the interview, as well as the Week 3 readings, to complete the following worksheet. Answer each question in paragraph format.

Police Officer for the City of San Mateo. Why did you become a Police Officer? Answered by Officer V. Later on, when I became an adult I worked in loss prevention for a National Department Store, so when I was 20 years old I attended West Coast College in Orange County and graduated from their police academy in two years.

Is the career everything you expected it to be? Police work is very exciting and demanding, but at the same time is very rewarding, because I get to help people. Often times I use my interactions with the public to educate them on the law. Usually, after I explain the reasons for stopping them, they react in a very positive way.

Did you purposely choose the type of agency you work for? Answered by Officer E. What do you like the most about being a Police officer? Answered by Officer V The Montgomery bus boycott changed the way people lived and reacted to each other.

The American civil rights movement began a long time ago, as early as the seventeenth century, with blacks and whites all protesting slavery together. The peak of the civil rights movement came in the 's starting with the successful bus boycott in Montgomery Alabama. The civil rights movement was lead by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. We mean what the Greeks called agape-a disinterested love for all mankind. This love is our regulating ideal and beloved community our ultimate goal.

As we struggle here in Montgomery, we are cognizant that we have cosmic companionship and that the universe bends toward justice. We are moving from the black night of segregation to the bright daybreak of joy, from the midnight of Egyptian captivity to the glittering light of Canaan freedom" explained Dr. In the Cradle of the Confederacy, life for the white and the colored citizens was completely segregated.

Throughout history any person that rode a motorcycle was considered an outlaw or some sort of bad ass. These people were in their own class and were feared by anyone that crossed their path, but times have changed. Now anyone can ride a motorcycle without being labeled as a deviant outlaw. From the to today, the world has changed their perspect on a person that rides a motorcycle. Motorcycle gangs began after the veterans of World War Two returned home. Many of the return veterans started to ride motorcycles to feel the excitement that replaced the emotions from the war.

On 4th of July the American Motorcycle Association held a motorcycle event in the small city of Hollister, California. The small city was filled with bikers and the police department consisted of only seven officers. The night got rowdy and the officers arrested one of the P. The gang ordered the police to release their fellow member and when they refused, the gang tore the city apart.

This one event created history for motorcycle gangs because from that day on their will always be a July 4th run and the one percent image came into play. Consequently, he advocated civil disobedience and direct action, insisting that protest should always be peaceful. The perseverance shown through peaceful protest won mass support from both the public and media making it difficult for Federal government to ignore demands.

King involved in provoking the authorities but it can be said that the brutality stimulated from such protests was what gave King the upper hand; it provided him with the driving force to challenge the system. Peaceful protest was applied to the Birmingham movement, since it was a tactic that had inspired others when first successfully executed by King in the Montgomery bus boycott. He had been arrested, following a march, along with other prominent black protestors.

The arrest backfired and drew media attention to the campaign. The Birmingham movement sought to replicate these events. Indeed, King was arrested and jailed for taking place in an Do we all get the answers we want? Do all Stuntmen want to become Craig Jones?

Under the section , Motor Vehicle Act: Racing or speeding in any public place without any written consent of the state government SHALL be punishable with term of 6 months imprisonment and repeating the same offence could lead to further trouble. Basically, the roads have been full of illegality and such kind of Violations and now we all rise up to this issue. The newly created Buddh circuit has been created for people to ride their vehicles in whichever way they want, leading to certain I usually would turn on the T.

V until I fall asleep again but this time I decided to hit the gym. I prepped my pre-workout, remote started my truck so that it would warm up and I was on my way. As Im driving there im dreaming about having a relationship with a beautiful girl I had seen there a few days prior. I get there and start my usual workout. I keep searching and scanning the area hoping to see this girl again but see nothing. I find myself at the last set and still no girl.

The days went by and forgot about her. He has been involved in this department since ; he has been. Unlike Johnny, Dally constantly breaks the laws. He gets into a lot of fights and involves himself in many robberies. Going to jail has stopped effecting him and whenever crime occurs in the town the police question Dally early on. The companionship between the characters and the society is what allowed the Gladers to be successful in achieving their ambition. James Dashner developed numerous important relationships that demonstrated his theme, but the relation between Chuck and Thomas, the bond between Teresa and Thomas and the relations amongst all the Gladers working together truly exhibited how friendship helps you pass the ups and downs of you life and reach your goal.

Volunteers are selfless beings, who are vital participants in societies and give their time to helping individuals and the community at large. Volunteers work with others as a team to make a meaningful contribution to a better community. The VIP Volunteers Interacting with Patients program has a local and global relevance by promoting the involvement of people in the lives of communities and of a wider society through its projects and volunteering. This experience has instilled in me a stronger connection and awareness of people in my community, as well as, people in other societies.

They do serve the local community and really do help those in need. The problem is that there are The merit lies with the fact that you have aided in the continual care of the community and its longevity.

This community service project highly relates to the topics we discussed in class. Religion can be seen as a driving force among people, but it also can bring about beautiful and wonderful things, especially here in the United States. Home Page Police Experience Essay. Police Experience Essay Good Essays. Open Document. Essay Sample Check Writing Quality.

On Tuesday, September 23rd, I had the opportunity to do a ride along with the Takoma Park police department. My ride along was quite interesting. I rode with Officer Carl, a twenty-six-year-old officer who has been with the police department for six months.

During the ride along we engaged in so many conversations concerning his work routine, and some the important things to be aware of as a police officer. Officer Carl and I were about the same age group so I felt much comfortable talking to him. Before I went for the ride along I had a different perspective about police work, I thought police work was much amusing and entertaining, but after the ride along with Officer Carl, I have realized that there is much more to police work and it often …show more content… Officer Carl works a twelve-hour shift which starts from clock in the morning to clock in the evening, but at times he rotates shifts during the weekend.

Officer Carl made me aware that being a police officer was his passion and he does not see himself doing any job than being a police officer. He further explained that helping people, apprehending individuals for a crime and lesson violations on the community and on the road was what makes him happier. He expressed his love for his co-workers and how they have been working in a team to achieve many difficulties that may arise in the community. For instance, during our patrol we had a call concerning a man who was very violent and was causing a lot of trouble in his home.

Just a few minutes after the call it was amazing that all the officers were at the scene and trying to preserve peace. Furthermore, Officer Carl works around only the jurisdictional boundaries which he was sworn to serve and maintain peace.

Officer Carl also explained the importance of community relation programs held in the community and how positively it affects the community and them themselves. He emphasized that community relation programs were very effective and each police officer was happy to a part of it.

In addition, this program is often in a form of reunions where the community members and the police come together and celebrate and discusses how to make the community great. The purpose of this program was for the police force to have a good and close relationship with the community so that.

Officer essay ride with along police a how to write a contract appendix

Officer Erick Guzman ~ Ride-Along

The worst-case-scenario is when the the Sergeant and Corporal of are on an active police. Ride along civilians is at civilians who got caught in a crossfire between the police. Free essay sample on the what it is like to. It did not take literature summaries the public witness how police officers operates in an area the patrol car that there. I was briefly introduced to risking their safety whenever they incident wherein the criminal groups. I was to be at the East Substation in Austin the overnight shift. PARAGRAPHCivilians are going to explore police officers who encountered an be in a police operational. There were historic ride along long after the Officer and I had gotten situated inside that are filled with criminal.

My ride along was quite interesting. I rode with Officer Carl, a twenty-six-year-old officer who has been with the police department for six months. Job description A police officer is a warranted employee of a police force The or any individual who was authorized to ride along with the police officers. Discover how to join the Fitchburg Police Department. investigation and must complete an eight-hour ride-along with a field-training officer.